Academic Freedom, the
Academy and Politics in
Damtew Teferra, Ph. D.
teferra@bc.edu
Panel on
Political Detentions, Elections, and "Democracy" in
at the Askwith Forum in
[Author’s Note: This article was not delivered in its entirety due to time
constraints.]
Setting the Scene
It was in the era of red terror, 30 years ago. In Addis. A highly regarded medical professor would walk by
a qebele office where the local militias -- abiyot Tebaqiwoch --
would keep a watchful eye on passers by. He would call out one of them to
approach, and quiz him “Do you know who I am? Do you know what it takes this
country to produce a person like me? Thirty years.” That famous professor, who
passed away some years back, was Professor Getachew Bolodia. Whether he survived that regime by wit or by chance,
whether this story is authentic, it is for potential autobiographer to
establish. I am however pleased to share with the audience that, in his
commemoration the Getachew Bolodia
Foundation has been established some years back.
It was some two years back at MIT when I first had a chance to meet Professor Mesfin Woldemariam at his
presentation on issues of land, drought and poverty in
The first time I actually saw Professor Mesfin in
person was in a coffee house in Piassa (
I introduced myself and put to him the request. First, he congratulated me for
focusing on such important issue. As his stay at Harvard was winding down, and
commitment at home was mounting, he deferred the invitation. I thought his life
time ordeal was over when I considered him as a perfect candidate to write a
first hand account on academic freedom. How wrong I was!
I know that Professor Yacob Hailemariam
had some connection with this institution—but I did not have the opportunity to
meet him.
Engineer Gizachew Shiferaw
-- one of the prisoners with Professor Mesfin --
actually taught me a course in industrial chemistry. He fascinated us not
simply with the subject, but by his remarkably extensive first-hand knowledge
of the Ethiopian industries. In a snap, he would tell you “this is the problem
with the soap factory in Gulele”, or “Tannery in Mojo” or “beverage industry in Harar”.
When I run into him some years back in Addis, and presented myself, he had no
recollection of me. You think I was disappointed, not exactly. This was nearly
20 years ago. I mused, however. I must have taken the fastest aging train for
him not to recognize me. I excused him.
I was in
At this meeting I also run into a South African colleague -- a former ANC
student activist and now a vice chancellor -- who collected to me his time with
Nicaragua’s Sandinista leader President Noriega as his group was exploring a
political and economic path for post-apartheid South Africa -- in a way that
has some similarities to the current reality in Ethiopia. He was telling me
that the Sandinista’s had a complete control of the
legislature, the judiciary and the executive power; and they legislated
all the bills and the laws to their whims—having in mind themselves in power
forever. Stunned by overwhelming loss to the opposition, they found themselves
a victim of their own deeds (or misdeeds depending on your views). To this
visiting South African delegation of future leaders their advice was clear:
“leave a room for your political opponents to maneuver even when they are
remotely your potential challengers, as you may find yourselves in their shoes
one day.”
Imprisoning Conscious: The Perpetual Cycle of Victims and Victors
In the scenarios above, I have attempted to paint a human face to the issue we
are exploring here today. Countless Ethiopians have lost their lives, their
families and their livelihoods over the past 30 years for expressing their
political views and fighting against tyranny, authoritarianism and
totalitarianism. Under banner of a sinister slogan “Revolution devours its
children” -- abiyot lijochiwan
tibelalech -- the Ethiopian Revolution claimed so
many lives; So many precious lives! Students and university professors -- the
central figures of the Ethiopian struggle -- fled in masses, persecuted,
tortured and massacred.
The current leadership -- and their proponents -- are
the product of the time of that movement who managed to survive it. It is
simply disturbing, absurdly ironic, and deeply scary that the former victims,
who are now in power, commit the very repression and injustice they fought all
their adult life. University professors and students were fired, imprisoned,
tortured, and even killed. The current imprisonment of professors, students,
editors, journalists, elected and political leaders, civic leaders and others
is the testimony of the state of academic freedom and freedom of conscious in
the country.
One sad story from
The absurdity goes much deeper.
As it happens, no government reigns in power forever. Thank God! But then, what
guarantees are there that the victims of today won’t turn into tyrants of
tomorrow? What guarantees are there to stop this perpetual cycle of blatant
suppression of academic freedom as governments come and governments go? It is
simply difficult to dislodge ones chronic skepticism and even cynicism that
academic freedom in Africa would be actually be protected, even as we witness
dictators after dictators are swept from their powers. A lot more work and
effort remains to address this chronic problem by deeply examining the root
causes of such intolerance, injustice, lack of regard for the rule of law and
human lives in a nation.
Academic freedom does not exist in a vacuum, however. And in the next session I
will briefly discuss the role of the international community and the impact of
geopolitics in the 21st century and their significance on academic freedom.
Just before I summarize this section however, I would like to read a moving
piece recently published on Fortune (an English Weekly published in Addis)
Educators and the educated were slaughtered in large numbers and a whole
generation was lost forever. Today, it is the aging "mihuran"
(the PhDs) who are left over from the revolution of yesteryear, and their
followers, who present a threat to the stumbling Revolutionary Democracy.” (http://allafrica.com/stories/200512060589.html)
The Thrust of the International Community
As I said earlier, academic freedom does not exist in a vacuum. To remedy
chronic repression on academic freedom and human rights, mobilizing a host of
forces beyond national borders is vital. The efficacy and potency of antidotes
to protect academic freedom are highly enhanced by leveraging the international
community. The international forces have a tremendous influence on how academic
freedom and human rights over all are observed in the national context. These
forces have considerable influence on repressive regimes—regimes who typically
depend for their survival on the political will and economic underwriting of
donor governments and institutions—should these institutions and governments
actually wish to use this leverage judiciously, fairly and consistently. Not
that, however, all the so called international communities speak in one voice,
language, and understanding, unfortunately leaving the perpetrators to play one
power against another.
Many repressive regimes are quick in mastering the art of exploiting
contemporary global -- real and perceived -- threats (and even fads) to silence
their opponents and crackdown on freedom of speech, writing, and assembly. The
twenty-first century has its own Cold War geopolitics triggered by the War on
Terror. And many repressive regimes are capitalizing on it by appearing to be
partners in the struggle. Such global fads have a ripple effect on academic
freedom and human rights of the common man and woman at the margins of the
globe. It is thus prudent and sensible for the international community and its
leaders to partner with people and civil society at the grassroots level, and
not simply with regimes and cunning personalities, in the global effort to
uphold and nurture the rule of law which has a direct impact on academic
freedom and freedom of speech -- and above all to world peace.
It is vital to openly and publicly denounce rogue regimes—whether they are
friends or foes—and even more importantly threaten them with serious political
consequences, not only to help the struggle toward academic freedom, human
rights and democracy but also to push the geopolitical effort itself in the
right direction.
Academic Freedom: Confronting the Forces of Repression
There are so many ways the international community
can play a role in nurturing human rights, democracy and academic freedom. My
focus here is restricted as to how and what the higher education community can
do to foster academic freedom around the world.
1. Members of the higher education communities should lobby
their legislatures, their friends and colleagues in government, in business, in
the media, and civil society to denounce violation of academic freedom. The
community should stand in solidarity with colleagues in the same profession
against atrocities perpetrated by rogue regimes. University administrators,
student leaders, and other institutions on campus could play a very important
role in the struggle against repression and tyranny and respect for academic
freedom. It is important to remember that by raising the awareness of the
public, such forces did play a vital role to bring down the racist apartheid
era to its knees.
2. Undertake research, publish critical reports, involve in
advocacy, and speak against atrocities and assault on academic freedom. “The
pen is mightier than the sword” we know. May be in the world we live in, “the
keyboard is even mightier than the AK-47”. Crowding the electronic
communication space and the conventional media with powerful pictures and
stories that chronicle atrocities and repression has an important role in
keeping the issue on the lime light and pressuring the international community
to act and the regimes to back down.
3. Develop programs and action plans to rescue scholars at
risk and work with institutions with the mandate, such as the Committee on
Academic Freedom in
4. Write to respective professional associations and civic
organizations. University professors need to lobby their professional
associations, such as the American Association of University Professors, to
condemn atrocities and assault on academic freedom. In solidarity, these and other
sister organizations should actively engage in upholding academic freedom and
denounce repression wherever it is perpetrated—whether it is on campus, within
the national border or beyond elsewhere. We need to “think globally and act
locally”.
5. Support civil societies at the local setting and help
mobilize them. Many professional institutions—such as teacher and student
associations—operate under repressive conditions. Sister institutions that live
in a democracy ought to support those that live under tyranny.
I would like to quote an important piece from a paper on academic freedom which
we are publishing on the Journal of Higher Education in Africa by Prof.
Philip G. Altbach an internationally renowned higher education expert:
"History shows that academic freedom is not only a fundamental
prerequisite for an effective university but is a core value for academia. Just
as human rights have become an international priority, so academic freedom must
be placed at the forefront of concern for the higher education community."
Pleading the Power: The Present and the Future
I know that so many voices and institutions are currently striving for the
release of the political prisoners in
Thank you.
************************************************************************
Dr. Damtew Teferra is founding editor-in-chief of the Journal of Higher
Education in Africa and director of the International Network for Higher
Education in
He can be reached at teferra@bc.edu
************************************************************************